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Among the topics addressed are historical and contemporary law, scientific understandings, issues in corrections, military service, the court system, policing, criminal procedure, medicine, and treatment. Because masculinity is often exhibited as a gender role, the book examines aggressive behaviors, emotional responses, interpersonal rules, appearances, sexual desires, and other aspects of human dynamics that may restrict or enhance masculinity. Juveniles are discretely discussed in subsections concerning masturbation, bullying, risk, sexual assault, pornography, and their susceptibility to victimization by peers and adults. Physical differences between males and females are relevant to criminal justice processes and includes bone shape and size, voices, appearance, scent, and genitalia. The male genitalia is thoroughly discussed in the sections dealing with unlawful penetration, male working animals, forensics, sex offenders, frisks and searches, penile injuries, prostheses, obscenity and lewd behavior, transgenderism, and human trafficking. Unique features include: male and female perpetrators of domestic violence, illegal immigration, drug and alcohol trafficking, gangs and gang members, homosexual victims of hate crimes, and the use of steroids. In addition, illustrations are included to clarify specific points. This text will be an excellent resource for careers in correctional education, juvenile justice, criminal justice and male aggression, law enforcement, sociology, and psychiatry. Then you can start reading Kindle books on your smartphone, tablet, or computer - no Kindle device required. Full content visible, double tap to read brief content. http://www.drjihsderma.com/pics/ewon-2005cd-manual.xml dht manual pdf, dht manual, dht manual curry blake, dht manual download, manual dht-s516h, dht-s514 manual, dht-s216 manual, dht-s716h manual, dht-t110 manual, frsky dht manual, dht manual, dht manual, dht manual curry blake, dht manual, dht manual curry blake. Videos Help others learn more about this product by uploading a video. Upload video To calculate the overall star rating and percentage breakdown by star, we don’t use a simple average. Instead, our system considers things like how recent a review is and if the reviewer bought the item on Amazon. It also analyzes reviews to verify trustworthiness. Springfield, Illinois: Charles C. Thomas, Publisher, Ltd Ipswich, MA Available via World Wide Web. To learn more about how to request items watch this short online video. We will contact you if necessary. Please also be aware that you may see certain words or descriptions in this catalogue which reflect the author’s attitude or that of the period in which the item was created and may now be considered offensive. May 7, 2008RoutledgeJuly 5, 2017RoutledgeWhere the content of the eBook requires a specific layout, or contains maths or other special characters, the eBook will be available in PDF (PBK) format, which cannot be reflowed. For both formats the functionality available will depend on how you access the ebook (via Bookshelf Online in your browser or via the Bookshelf app on your PC or mobile device). These comprise an impressive range of theoretical and empirical work including important cultural and ethnographic analyses. They emphasise the relationship between masculinities, the causes and patterns of most criminal offending and victimisation and the broader workings of the wider criminal justice system of policing (public and private), criminal courts, corrections and prisons. All of the material has been selected from flagship international journals and was produced by a global mix of male and female researchers with diverse disciplinary backgrounds. These scholars share the view that masculinities are plural, socially constructed, reproduced in the collective social practices of different men and embedded in institutional and occupational settings. http://sola-brothers.com/userfiles/ewp10742-manual.xml Furthermore, masculinities are intricately linked with social struggles for power that occur between men and women and different men.Part II The Spectrum of Masculine Crime: Culture, masculinities and violence against women, Joachim Kersten; Assault on men: masculinity and male victimization, Elizabeth A. Stanko and Kathy Hobdell; Enacting masculinity: anti-gay violence and group rape as participatory theater, Karen Franklin; Situational construction of masculinity among male street thieves, Heith Copes and Andy Hochstetler; Managing to kill: masculinities and the space shuttle Challenger explosion, James W. Messerschmidt; Criminal careers, desistance and subjectivity: interpreting men's narratives of change, David Gadd and Stephen Farrell. Part IV Criminal Justice Settings: 'There oughtta be a law against bitches': masculinit To learn how to manage your cookie settings, please see our. Students will engage with key theories of feminism, postmodernity, critical criminology, intersectionality, power and queer theory. Concepts of gender, sexuality, masculinity and femininity will be critically analysed. Relationships between gender, law, sexuality, policing, policy, politics, crime and media will be explored. These relationships will be examined through topics such as discrimination, harassment, pornography, sex work, trafficking, abortion, sexual violence, domestic violence, workplace rights, and security. Please note that Subject Outlines and assessment tasks are updated each session. Where differences exist between the Handbook and the SAL, the SAL should be taken as containing the correct subject offering details. The University reserves the right to vary the information at any time without notice. By continuing to use our website, you are agreeing to our use of cookies. You can change your cookie settings at any time. Find out more Your current browser may not support copying via this button. Theoretical Approaches III. https://labroclub.ru/blog/cuisinart-cbc-00sa2-manual Historical Shifts Conclusion References Notes Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out a PDF of a single chapter of a title in Oxford Handbooks Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice ).However, we can also detect several major shifts in the history of interpersonal male violence from the eighteenth century onward. From a cultural historical perspective, violent actions by men or women cannot be interpreted as contingent, individual acts, but rather must be seen as practices embedded in sociocultural contexts and accompanied by informal norms. Because one grand theory cannot account convincingly for the history of violence and masculinity, an array of approaches is more likely to shed light on the issue. Interestingly, shifts in the history of violence have often corresponded with changes to prevailing notions of masculinity. This essay delineates the relevant historical shifts from the early modern “culture of dispute” to the different paths of interpersonal violence over the twentieth century. Public users are able to search the site and view the abstracts and keywords for each book and chapter without a subscription. Please subscribe or login to access full text content. If you have purchased a print title that contains an access token, please see the token for information about how to register your code. For questions on access or troubleshooting, please check our FAQs, and if you can''t find the answer there, please contact us. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out a PDF of a single chapter of a title in Oxford Handbooks Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice ). Find out more Your current browser may not support copying via this button. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out a PDF of a single chapter of a title in Oxford Handbooks Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice ).Violence against women should be compared to violence against men and not studied in isolation. It should be studied primarily as violence not sexism, based on well-established principles from the social psychology of aggression. Such an approach emphasizes the violent actor’s point of view and the role of interpersonal conflict, self-presentation, grievance, and retribution. Power and control may play a role in violence against men and women, but other motives are also important. In addition, theorizing should consider well-known sex differences in physical size, sexuality, and emotion. Men’s stronger bodies and sexual interests, and women’s greater tendency to get angry, have important implications. Finally, chivalry should be an important element in any discussion of violence against women. Violence against women occurs despite (not because of) societal norms. Public users are able to search the site and view the abstracts and keywords for each book and chapter without a subscription. Please visit jointsdgfund.org Drawing upon the recommendations and guidance contained in the updated Model Strategies and Practical Measures, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) and UN Women, in cooperation with Thailand Institute of Justice, have drafted the Handbook on Effective Prosecution Responses to Violence against Women and Girls with a view to assist prosecutors in their duty to uphold the rule of law, firmly protect human rights and serve their community with impartiality and fairness in cases involving violence against women and girls. The Handbook is divided into three parts: Part One discusses current reflections, theories and research on violence against women and girls, the importance of the criminal justice response and some common misconceptions and myths surrounding sexual and gender-based violence; Part Two focuses on the role of a prosecutor in cases involving violence against women and girls. This part covers dealing with survivors, their role in investigations and the relationship with police, the decision to prosecute, the selection of charges, pre-trial considerations such as release pending trial and no contact orders, evidentiary issues, trial considerations, roles in sentencing and post-conviction, and restorative justice concerns; Part Three explores some of the institutional approaches that a prosecution agency can consider to ensure an effective response to violence against women and girls. The SDG Fund or the UN bear no responsibility for the accuracy, legality or content of the external site or for that of subsequent links. Contact the external site for answers to questions regarding its content. General Information SDGs Published 2014 Thematic Area Gender equality Array. Ending all forms of discrimination against women and girls is not only a basic human right, but it also has a multiplier effect across all other development areas. Since 2000, UNDP together with our UN partners and the rest of the global community has made gender equality central to our work, and we have seen some remarkable successes. More girls are now in school compared to 15 years ago, and most regions have reached gender parity in primary education. Women now make up to 41 percent of paid workers outside of agriculture, compared to 35 percent in 1990. The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) aim to build on these achievements to ensure that there is an end to discrimination against women and girls everywhere. There are still gross inequalities in access to paid employment in some regions, and significant gaps between men and women in the labour market. Sexual violence and exploitation, the unequal division of unpaid care and domestic work, and discrimination in public decision making, all remain huge barriers. Ensuring universal access to sexual and reproductive health, and affording women equal rights to economic resources such as land and property, are vital targets to realizing this goal. There are now more women in public office than ever before, but encouraging more women leaders across all regions will help strengthen policies and legislation for greater gender equality. Gender equality is one of 17 Global Goals that make up the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. By directly empowering women and by bringing a gender perspective to all development work, we can build a more equitable, sustainable future for all. All SDG Fund programmes mainstream gender into their implementation and monitoring plans. For example, In Bangladesh, the labor force participation of rural women is only 36.4 compared to 83.3 of men. Creating employment and income generating opportunities for women and enhancing their access to social protection will help reduce gender disparities. In Ethiopia, rural women lag behind in access to land property, economic opportunities, justice system and financial assets. Women farmers perform up to 75 of farm labor but hold only 18.7 of agricultural land in the country. The SDG Fund is using a multifaceted approach to generate gender-sensitive agricultural extension services, support the creation of cooperatives, promote the expansion of women-owned agribusiness and increase rural women’s participation in rural producer associations, financial cooperatives and unions. In the occupied Palestinian territory, the SDG Fund joint programme is helping to improve the livelihoods of Palestinian women. The programme is building the capacities of women-owned and run MSMEs and cooperatives, preserving cultural and agricultural products, and turning them into marketable and exportable products. We are living in a world that is increasingly divided. Some regions enjoy sustained levels of peace, security and prosperity while others fall into seemingly endless cycles of conflict and violence. This is by no means inevitable and must be addressed. High levels of armed violence and insecurity have a destructive impact on a country’s development, affecting economic growth and often resulting in long standing grievances among communities that can last for generations. Sexual violence, crime, exploitation and torture are also prevalent where there is conflict or no rule of law, and countries must take measures to protect those who are most at risk. The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) aim to significantly reduce all forms of violence, and work with governments and communities to find lasting solutions to conflict and insecurity. Strengthening the rule of law and promoting human rights is key to this process, as is reducing the flow of illicit arms and strengthening the participation of developing countries in the institutions of global governance. Promoting peace and justice is one of 17 Global Goals that make up the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. An integrated approach is crucial for progress across the multiple goals. Peace also brings new business opportunities by increasing stability, improving economic prospects and by building social and economic fabric in a community. For example, The armed conflict in Colombia has damaged production, institutions, food security, and social trust. Through the sustainable agricultural production of indigenous crops and their international commercialization, the SDG-F will create employment, better nutrition, and, most importantly, peace in Cauca - one of the zones most affected by the long lasting conflict. In Sierra Leone, the SDG Fund is working for improved accountability and transparency in natural resource governance. It uses the experience of MDG-F joint programmes that suggests a number of ways to mainstream gender approaches. Have gender experts been involved in all steps of the project or programme cycle. Have all the projects been rated with the Gender Marker. All our programmes have been asked to answer these questions when designing, implementing, and monitoring our programmes. Drawing upon the recommendations and guidance contained in the updated Model Strategies and Practical Measures, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) and UN Women, in cooperation with Thailand Institute of Justice, have drafted the Handbook on Effective Prosecution Responses to Violence against Women and Girls with a view to assist prosecutors in their duty to uphold the rule of law, firmly protect human rights and serve their community with impartiality and fairness in cases involving violence against women and girls. Learn More. Contributors L. Stemple and I. H. Meyer contributed to the conceptualization of this article, the interpretation of data, and the drafting and revision of content. Peer Reviewed Accepted February 13, 2014. Abstract We assessed 12-month prevalence and incidence data on sexual victimization in 5 federal surveys that the Bureau of Justice Statistics, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, and the Federal Bureau of Investigation conducted independently in 2010 through 2012. We used these data to examine the prevailing assumption that men rarely experience sexual victimization. We concluded that federal surveys detect a high prevalence of sexual victimization among men—in many circumstances similar to the prevalence found among women. We identified factors that perpetuate misperceptions about men’s sexual victimization: reliance on traditional gender stereotypes, outdated and inconsistent definitions, and methodological sampling biases that exclude inmates. We recommend changes that move beyond regressive gender assumptions, which can harm both women and men. The sexual victimization of women was ignored for centuries. Although it remains tolerated and entrenched in many pockets of the world, feminist analysis has gone a long way toward revolutionizing thinking about the sexual abuse of women, demonstrating that sexual victimization is rooted in gender norms 1 and is worthy of social, legal, and public health intervention. We have aimed to build on this important legacy by drawing attention to male sexual victimization, an overlooked area of study. We take a fresh look at several recent findings concerning male sexual victimization, exploring explanations for the persistent misperceptions surrounding it. Feminist principles that emphasize equity, inclusion, and intersectional approaches 2; the importance of understanding power relations 3; and the imperative to question gender assumptions 4 inform our analysis. To explore patterns of sexual victimization and gender, we examined 5 sets of federal agency survey data on this topic ( Table 1 ). In particular, we show that 12-month prevalence data from 2 new sets of surveys conducted, independently, by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) and the Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) found widespread sexual victimization among men in the United States, with some forms of victimization roughly equal to those experienced by women. TABLE 1— US Federal Agency Surveys of Sexual Victimization Using Probability Samples Study Year of Study Conducted by Sample No. Despite such findings, contemporary depictions of sexual victimization reinforce the stereotypical sexual victimization paradigm, comprising male perpetrators and female victims. As we demonstrate, the reality concerning sexual victimization and gender is more complex. Although different federal agency surveys have different purposes and use a wide variety of methods (each with concomitant limitations), we examined the findings of each, attempting to glean an overall picture. This picture reveals alarmingly high prevalence of both male and female sexual victimization; we highlight the underappreciated findings related to male sexual victimization. For example, in 2011 the CDC reported results from the National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey (NISVS), one of the most comprehensive surveys of sexual victimization conducted in the United States to date. The survey found that men and women had a similar prevalence of nonconsensual sex in the previous 12 months (1.270 million women and 1.267 million men). 5 This remarkable finding challenges stereotypical assumptions about the gender of victims of sexual violence. However unintentionally, the CDC’s publications and the media coverage that followed instead highlighted female sexual victimization, reinforcing public perceptions that sexual victimization is primarily a women’s issue. We explore 3 factors that lead to misperceptions concerning gender and sexual victimization. First, a male perpetrator and female victim paradigm underlies assumptions about sexual victimization. 6 This paradigm serves to obscure abuse that runs counter to the paradigm, reinforce regressive ideas that portray women as victims, 7 and stigmatize sexually victimized men. 8 Second, some federal agencies use outdated definitions and categories of sexual victimization. This has entailed the prioritization of the types of harm women are more likely to experience as well as the exclusion of men from the definition of rape. Third, the data most widely reported in the press are derived from household sampling. Inherent in this is a methodological bias that misses many who are at great risk for sexual victimization in the United States: inmates, the vast majority of whom are male. 9,10 We call for the consistent use of gender-inclusive terms for sexual victimization, objective reporting of data, and improved methodologies that account for institutionalized populations. In this way, research and reporting on sexual victimization will more accurately reflect the experiences of both women and men. MALE PERPETRATOR AND FEMALE VICTIM PARADIGM The conceptualization of men as perpetrators and women as victims remains the dominant sexual victimization paradigm. 11 Scholars have offered various explanations for why victimization that runs counter to this paradigm receives little attention. These include the ideas that female-perpetrated abuse is rare or nonexistent, 12 that male victims experience less harm, 8 and that for men all sex is welcome. 13 Some posit that because dominant feminist theory relies heavily on the idea that men use sexual aggression to subordinate women, 14 findings perceived to conflict with this theory, such as female-perpetrated violence against men, are politically unpalatable. 15 Others argue that researchers have a conformity bias, leading them to overlook research data that conflict with their prior beliefs. 16 We have interrogated some of the stereotypes concerning gender and sexual victimization, and we call for researchers to move beyond them. First, we question the assumption that feminist theory requires disproportionate concern for female victims. Indeed, some contemporary gender theorists have questioned the overwhelming focus on female victimization, not simply because it misses male victims but also because it serves to reinforce regressive notions of female vulnerability. 17 When the harms that women experience are held out as exceedingly more common and more worrisome, this can perpetuate norms that see women as disempowered victims, 7 reinforcing the idea that women are “noble, pure, passive, and ignorant.” 13 (p1719) Related to this, treating male sexual victimization as a rare occurrence can impose regressive expectations about masculinity on men and boys. The belief that men are unlikely victims promotes a counterproductive construct of what it means to “be a man.” 18 This can reinforce notions of naturalistic masculinity long criticized by feminist theory, which asserts that masculinity is culturally constructed. 19 Expectations about male invincibility are constraining for men and boys; they may also harm women and girls by perpetuating regressive gender norms. Another common gender stereotype portrays men as sexually insatiable. 13 The idea that, for men, virtually all sex is welcome likely contributes to dismissive attitudes toward male sexual victimization. Such dismissal runs counter to evidence that men who experience sexual abuse report problems such as depression, suicidal ideation, anxiety, sexual dysfunction, loss of self-esteem, and long-term relationship difficulties. 20 A related argument for treating male victimization as less worrisome holds that male victims experience less physical force than do female victims, 21 the implication being that the use of force determines concern about victimization. This rationale problematically conflicts with the important feminist-led movement away from physical force as a defining and necessary component of sexual victimization. 22 In addition, a recent multiyear analysis of the BJS National Crime Victim Survey (NCVS) found no difference between male and female victims in the use of a resistance strategy during rape and sexual assault (89 of both men and women did so). A weapon was used in 7 of both male and female incidents, and although resultant injuries requiring medical care were higher in women, men too experienced significant injuries (12.6 of females and 8.5 of males). 23 Portraying male victimization as aberrant or harmless also adds to the stigmatization of men who face sexual victimization. 8 Sexual victimization can be a stigmatizing experience for both men and women. However, through decades of feminist-led struggle, fallacies described as “rape myths” 24 have been largely discredited in American society, and an alternative narrative concerning female victimization has emerged. This narrative teaches that, contrary to timeworn tropes, the victimization of a woman is not her fault, that it is not caused by her prior sexual history or her choice of attire, and that for survivors of rape and other abuse, speaking out against victimization can be politically important and personally redemptive. For men, a similar discourse has not been developed. Indeed contemporary social narratives, including jokes about prison rape, 25 the notion that “real men” can protect themselves, 8 and the fallacy that gay male victims likely “asked for it,” 26 pose obstacles for males coping with victimization. A male victim’s sexual arousal, which is not uncommon during nonconsensual sex, may add to the misapprehension that the victimization was a welcome event. 27 Feelings of embarrassment, the victim’s fear that he will not be believed, and the belief that reporting itself is unmasculine have all been cited as reasons for male resistance to reporting sexual victimization. 28 Popular media also reflects insensitivity, if not callousness, toward male victims. For example, a 2009 CBS News report about a serial rapist who raped 4 men concluded, “No one has been seriously hurt. ” 29 The minimization of male sexual victimization and the hesitancy of victims to come forward may also contribute to a paucity of legal action concerning male sexual victimization. Although state laws have become more gender neutral, criminal prosecution for the sexual victimization of men remains rare and has been attributed to a lack of concern for male victims. 30 The faulty assertion that male victimization is uncommon has also been used to justify the exclusion of men and boys in scholarship on sexual victimization. 31 Perhaps such widespread exclusion itself causes male victims to assume they are alone in their experience, thereby fueling underreporting. 32 Not only does the traditional sexual victimization paradigm masks male victimization, it can obscure sexual abuse perpetrated by women as well as same-sex victimization. We offer a few counterparadigmatic examples. For now we simply highlight the concern that reliance on the male perpetrator and female victim paradigm limits understandings, not only of male victimization but of all counterparadigmatic abuse. DEFINITIONS AND CATEGORIES OF SEXUAL VICTIMIZATION The definitions and uses of terms such as “rape” and “sexual assault” have evolved over time, with significant implications for how the victimization of women and men is measured. Although the definitions and categorization of these harms have become more gender inclusive over time, bias against recognizing male victimization remains. When the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) began tracking violent crime in 1930, the rape of men was excluded. Until 2012, the UCR, through which the FBI collects annual crime data, defined “forcible rape” as “the carnal knowledge of a female forcibly and against her will” (emphasis added). 36 Approximately 17 000 local law enforcement agencies used this female-only definition for the better part of a century when submitting standardized data to the FBI.